Saturday, 17 January 2026

The Removal of Chief Constables: The Position of Non Home Department Forces

 

Insignia of a Chief Constable (England and Wales).  Note that chief officer of some non home department forces hold other ranks 


Today sees the resignation (or premature retirement to be precise) of the Chief Constable of the West Midlands following a lengthy debate about how the force handled the assessment of an international football match.  The point of interest is that the Home Secretary wanted to sack the Chief Constable but was quickly advised that she did not have the power to do.

S42 of the Police Act 1996 gave the Home Secretary the power to require a Police Authority to exercise its powers to call for a Chief Constable to retire in the interests of efficiency or effectiveness. This was seen as a long stop power with an expectation that such issues would normally be dealt with by a Police Authority.  The provision largely mirrored that in the Police Act 1964 (s29).  More generally the Home Secretary has had generous regulation making powers since the Police Act 1919.  The brave new world of the coalition government in 2010 saw the power of the Home Secretary to remove chief constables disappear in the Police Reform and Social Responsibility Act 2011.  The creation of Police and Crime Commissioners to replace Police Auhtorities was seen to obviate the need for the Home Secretary to have such a power.

The Shadow Home Secretary seemed to have missed this change when he demanded in the House of Commons that the Home Secretary sack the Chief Constable.

Different arrangements are in place, and always have been, in respect of the Commissioner of Police of the Metropolis and we saw these play out during the last weeks of the tenure of Dame Cressida Dick as Commissioner.

The history of policing in Great Britain has witnessed many examples of the tension between the concept of independent chief constables (who lead bodies of constables who are themselves  individual office holders) and elected representatives at national and local levels.  A tricky constitutional balancing act is brought into play every time the issue arises.

The government has announced its intention to get rid of Police and Crime Commissioners, treating the last decade as a failed experiment.  The details of what will replace them is still unknown but in the aftermath of the West Midland affair it has also been reported that the Police Act will be amended once more to restore the power of the Home Secretary to sack chief constables.  There will be no shortage of people willing to see political capital in the debates that will now follow.  Expect outrage that the Home Secretary will take for herself a power in this regard – even if such a power existed for at least half a century in the recent past.

But what of Non Home Department forces (NHDF) and their chief officers?  Will the government take the opportunity of the proposed amendments to bring them into  the same ‘sackable net’?  

I can confidently suggest that the thought has not occurred to anyone in government.  This is an area where NHDPFs are easily overlooked.  Although easily lumped together in the imagination of the Home Office, each NHDPF operates under their own, or (in the case of some port forces), adopted legislation.  For the purposes of the dismissal of chief constables etc these forces fall outside the current, former and proposed legislation.  Historically one does see the former River Tyne Police mentioned in certain disciplinary and pension regulations but things there is no modern inclusion relevant to the current question.

All forces have arrangements to deal with misconduct but this discussion is about the powers of ministers to sack (or to ‘call for the retirement/resignation of’) chief constables.

In the Railways and Transport Security Act 2003 the Secretary of State is given ((s21(4)) the power to make regulations about the suspension and removal of the Chief Constable of the British Transport Police.  I have not found any such regulations.  If any such regulations are in existence, they would have to mirror the regulations put in place to cover the removal of a local chief constable under the (now repealed) provisions in the Police Act.  The 2003 Act speaks to the duty of the British Transport Police Authority to appoint a Chief Constable.  It is silent on the removal of the office holder.

The Ministry of Defence Police (MDP) is much closer to its overseeing department than either BTP or CNC.  The key legislation is older (Ministry of Defence Police Act 1987).  The Act is clear that it is the Secretary of State who appoints the Chief Constable ((s1 (3)) and moreover that he/she may terminate any member of the force – presumably this includes the Chief Constable, although one would expect to see some sort of transparent process.  The Secretary of State may delegate many of his/her function to the Ministry of Defence Police Committee who he/she also appoints.

The Energy Act 2004 lays out the statutory arrangements for the Civil Nuclear Constabulary (CNC).  It is clear about the Secretary of State’s powers to remove the Chief Constable.  Schedule 11 of the Act reproduces the powers given to the (Home) Secretary in the original (ie pre 2011) text of the 1996 Police Act.

An unintended consequence of the Police Reform and Social Responsibility Act 2011 Act was to leave ministers with the power to sack the Chief Constables of at least two of the ‘big three’ Non Home Department Forces but denying them the same power over the chief constables of ‘mainstream’ police forces.

The system for removing chief officers from the smaller NHDPFs varies from body to body but in most cases traditional contractual processes would be followed.  Chief officers from these forces are denied the right to go to the Employment Tribunal (except in cases where discrimination is alleged). (1).

The debate about the removal of chief constables is another opportunity to look at the legislative spaghetti that wraps itself around Non Home Department forces.  The changes that the government may introduce to restore the powers of the Home Secretary provide an opportunity to untangle one aspect of the laws governing NHDPFs.  Although a piecemeal approach to the reform of NHDPFs is sub optimal, any attempt to align the position of police forces would be welcomed.

Philip Trendall

January 2026

 

(1)     See my blog on this subject dated 17th November 2025

 

 


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